Capitalism and Karl Marx
Thursday, May 29th, 2008I found it. If there was ever a time when you bought awfully cheap, used, and tattered books for your college courses such that no one would even want to buy them back, and that you were too sentimental to throw them away afterward but kept them on your shelves to collect dust, this one-time look-up justifies it! Here is the secondary source I mentioned at the meeting, which credits the first, contemptuous reference of “capitalism” qua social system to Karl Marx. It is from a textbook for my Western Civ. class:
Throughout history, said Marx, there has been a class struggle between those who own the means of production and those whose labor has been exploited to provide wealth for this upper class. This opposing tension between classes has pushed history forward into higher stages. In the ancient world, when wealth was based on land, the struggle was between master and slave, patrician and plebeian; during the Middle Ages, when land was still the predominant mode of production, the struggle was between lord and serf. In the modern industrial world, two sharply opposed classes were confronting each other—the capitalists owning the factories, mines, banks, and transportation systems, and the exploited wage earners (the proletariat).
The class with economic power also controlled the state, said Marx and Engels. That class used political power to protect and increase its property and to hold down the laboring class. “Thus the ancient State was above all the slaveowners’ state for holding down the slaves,” said Engels, “as a feudal State was the organ of the nobles for holding down the … serfs, and the modern representative State is the instrument of the exploitation of wage-labor by capital.”9
Marx and Engels said, too, that the class that controlled material production also controlled mental production, that is, the ideas held by the ruling class became the dominant ideas of society. These ideas, presented as laws of nature or moral and religious standards, were regarded as the truth by oppressor and oppressed alike. In reality, however, these ideas merely reflected the special economic interests of the ruling class. Thus, said Marx, bourgeois ideologists would insit that natural rights and laissez-faire were laws of nature having universal validity. But these “laws” were born of the bourgeoisies’ needs in their struggle to wrest power from an obsolete feudal regime and to protect their property from the state. Similarly, nineteenth-century slaveholders convinced themselves that slavery was morally right—that it had God’s approval and was good for the slave. Slaveowners and capitalist employers alike may have defended their labor systems by citing universal principles that they thought were true, but in reality their systems rested on a single economic consideration—slave labor was good for the pocketbook of the slaveowner and wage labor was good in the same way for the capitalist.
Under capitalism, said Marx, the worker knew only poverty. He worked long hours for low wages, suffered from periodic unemployment, and lived in squalid overcrowded apartments. Most monstrous of all, he was forced to send his young children into the factories.Children of nine or ten years are dragged from their squalid beds at two, three, or four o’clock in the morning and compelled to work for a bare subsistence until ten, eleven, or twelve at night, their limbs wearing away, their frames dwindling, their faces whitening, and their humanity absolutely sinking into a stone-like torpor, utterly horrible to contemplate.10
Capitalism also produced another kind of poverty, said Marx—poverty of the human spirit. Under capitalism the factory worker was reduced to a laboring beast, performing tedious and repetitive tasks in a dark, dreary, dirty cave, an altogether inhuman environment that deprived people of their human sensibilities. Unlike the artisans in their own shops, factory workers found no pleasure and took no pride in their work; they did not have the satisfaction of creating a finished product that expressed their skills. Work, said Marx, should be a source of fulfillment for people. It should enable people to affirm their personalities and develop their potential. Capitalism, by treating people not as human beings, but as cogs in the production process, alientated people from their work, themselves, and one another.
Marx believed that capitalist control of the economy and the government would not endure forever. The capitalist system would perish just as the feudal society of the Middle Ages and the slave society of the ancient world had perished. From the ruins of a dead capitalist society a new economic-social system, socialism, would emerge.
Marx predicted how capitalism would be destroyed. Periodic unemployment would increase the misery of the workers and intensify their hatred of capitalists. Small businessmen and shopkeepers, unable to compete with the great capitalists, would sink into the ranks of the working class, greatly expanding its numbers. Society would become polarized into a small group of immensely wealthy capitalists and a vast proletariat, poor, embittered, and desperate. This monopoloy of capital by the few would become a brake on the productive process. Growing increasingly conscious of their misery, the workers—aroused, educated, and organized by communist intellectuals—would revolt. They would smash the government that helped the capitalists maintain their dominance. Then they would confiscate the property of the capitalists, abolish private property, place the means of production in the workers’ hands, and organize a new society. The Communist Manifesto ends with a ringing call for revolution:The Communists … openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Workingmen of all countries, unite!11Marx did not say a great deal about the new society that would be ushered in by the socialist revolution. With the destruction of capitalism, the distinction between capitalist and work would cease and with it the class conflict. No longer would society be divided into haves and have-nots, oppressor and oppressed. Since this classless society would contain no exploiters, there would be no need for a state, which was merely an instrument for maintaining and protecting the power of the exploiting class. Thus, the state would eventually wither away. The production and distribution of goods would be carried out through community planning and communal sharing, replacing the capitalist system of competition. People would work at varied tasks, rather than being confined to one form of employment, just as Fourier had advocated. No longer factory slaves, people would be free to fulfill their human potential, to improve their relationships on a basis of equality with others, and to work together for the common good.
[Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics & Society; Volume II From the 1600s; 2nd edition - Perry, Chase, Jacob, Jacob, Laue, (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1995), pp. 551b-553b.]
My conclusion, on reading this passage, is that, for Karl Marx, capitalism means the social ruling by the propertied class for the oppression of the propertiedless, just as feudalism is the social ruling of the land-lords for the oppression of the serfs, and just as socialism is the classless society with everybody being both/neither oppressor and/nor oppressed. Supposedly, capitalist societies are to be reorganized into new societies, and the triumphant socialist societies have state institutions that eventually wither away. Capitalism, feudalism, and socialism are therefore social systems—with “social system” taken to mean an integration of ethical, political, and economic principles (principles in the weak sense) being embodied in man-made institutions for the service of individuals living in some geographical area.
Properly speaking, these ‘isms’ may be said to be attributes of the society as a whole, not attributes of its parts. Attribution to the parts at best is metaphorical. And speaking of a part, an economy is either free or controlled, with “controlled” being either totally or mixedly. Only under capitalism is the economy free. Under capitalism, the word “free,” as in “the free economy” or “the free market,” is redundant.
My own answer to Qs. 14 and 17: Someone who believes capitalism as merely an economic system cannot be said to be its defender. If capitalism were merely an economic system, as Fortune magazine once declared, as cited in Rand’s “Requiem for Man” (CTUI 318c), it would indeed be only an instrument—a morally neutral instrument, like a plow, or a gun. But while the economy can be said to be a separate system from, say, the political system, it is only analytically separable, for purposes of learning and reasoning, not causally independent from other integrated systems in a society. (309a) When understood in this sense, an economy can in no way be said to be amoral. It is peopled and is an integrated part of a society. By contrast, a social system as a whole can indeed be judged moral or immoral, based on an objective standard—the standard being whether it protects individual rights and whether it bans physical force from all human relationships. (CTUI “What Is Capitalism?” 18d) Thus, capitalism can be defended morally, politically, and economically only if it is taken to be a social system, one that is conducive to human survival. And it is. On the moral defense of capitalism, I quote Ayn Rand:
The moral justification of capitalism does not lie in the altruist claim that it represents the best way to achieve the “common good.” It is true that capitalism does—if that catch-phrase has any meaning—but this is merely a secondary consequence. The moral justification of capitalism lies in the fact that it is the only system consonant with man’s rational nature, that it protects man’s survival qua man, and that its ruling principle is justice. (20c)
The study group will read next a treatise on economics in which the author takes capitalism to mean an entire social system and not merely an economic system. As Rand et al. have done to address the ethical objections to capitalism, this treatise promises to address its economic objections and, more, to extend positive truths about the science of economics.